– Hardial Bains –
Mao Zedong, the chairman of the Communist Party of China from the mid-1930s until his death in September 1976, was born in Shaoshan, in the province of Hunan, on December 26, 1893. He was one of the outstanding revolutionary anti-imperialist fighters of the 20th century. He brought about reforms of an anti-imperialist character and some socialist reforms, established an independent People’s Republic of China (PRC), but failed to construct socialism according to the theory of scientific socialism. He also failed to stop capitalist-roaders from striving to build up the PRC as an imperialist superpower and taking power for themselves.
The establishment of an independent PRC on October 1, 1949, was a momentous event in the development of the peoples’ struggle against imperialism. However, only by consolidating socialism would it have been possible for the PRC to continue to play this role. Mao Zedong was not able to construct socialism, and the revolution could not go on because of some seriously flawed theories. One such theory was of “continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat,” and another was that of “two-line struggle” within the Party. The first led to the disruption of the state as a political power under the leadership of the Party and its levers, and the second led to the disruption of the Party itself. The restorationists were able to consolidate their power because of these disruptions.
A Communist Party, as the leader of socialist revolution and construction and its main subjective force, must be the most organized vanguard of the working class based on the theoretical thinking of Marxism-Leninism. As the political organization of the working class, the party must lead all its levers in order to exercise the dictatorship of the proletariat. Within such a Communist party, there can be only one line, a line coming out of the concrete conditions and applied to them. Opposition and struggle assume the form of opposition to the implementation of the line by the overthrown bourgeoisie and imperialist lackeys who do not want socialism. To recognize that such an opposition and struggle can also take place within the Party is to recognize and contribute to the paralysis of the Party and its dissolution. It can contribute to the elimination of the leading and hegemonic role of the working class in socialist revolution and construction.
A Communist Party is the most conscious political organization there is. It has its own ideology, general line, short- and long-term aims, and the tactics to carry them out. How could such a Party provide leadership and function if there were two-line struggle within it? How can a Party which is busy having two-line struggle on everything play a vanguard role? The bourgeoisie always denies the objectivity of consideration and opposes discussion on the basis of problems of real life and without the diversion of personal attacks. The point is to elaborate on the topic, not whether one agrees or disagrees with what somebody else is saying. Where a particular person stands is a matter of conscience. There should be no canvassing for this or that position, and voting should be on the basis of secret ballot.
Under Mao Zedong, however, campaigns against “the top party person taking the capitalist road” assumed proportions which divided the entire party and society. In place of unity, there arose anarchy and chaos, which provided every opportunity to the bourgeoisie to strengthen its positions. This is the same method the bourgeoisie uses to sort out problems which exist in its own camp. Discrediting one’s opponent is the key thing in bourgeois elections. This is done to fool the people and divert them from discussing real issues. This discussion never takes place. The adoption of the theory of two-line struggle and the waging of struggles on its basis assisted the bourgeoisie to consolidate its power. The call by Mao Zedong to “capture the bourgeois headquarters” amounted to a call to the bourgeoisie to capture and consolidate its power. It is not accidental that this happened during his life and after his death.
The theory of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat also paralysed the state and made it impossible for socialist revolution and construction to go on. The state of the dictatorship of the proletariat is a weapon of class struggle in the hands of the proletariat in socialist revolution and construction. As socialism is developed to the highest stage of communism, the state withers away. According to the theory of continuing revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat, the state will always remain, as will continuing revolution. In other words, there will be no qualitative change. This theory also leads to anarchy and chaos and helps the bourgeoisie to take power as the working class and its levers are not able to carry forward socialist revolution and construction and to win over the people at home and abroad on this basis.
These theories and others contributed to weakening and disrupting the socialist revolution and construction. It is crucial that the working class must always be vigilant against a diversionary agenda imposed by the bourgeoisie and reaction. For instance, in Albania, as counter-revolution picked up momentum during the 1990-91 period, the accusations that the Hoxha family had gold stashed in Switzerland and that “blockmen lived in luxury” diverted from actually dealing with the problems of socialist revolution and construction at that stage. By diverting from the real issues, the bourgeoisie, imperialism and world reaction were able to push their counter-revolution. If the Party of Labour of Albania had had its own program to lead the people out of the situation, counter-revolution would have failed. However, Ramiz Alia and the PLA presented themselves as bigger bourgeois democrats than the imperialist democrats themselves.
These theories of Mao Zedong were used after his death both in China and elsewhere. Wherever they have been used, they have caused damage. Maoists kill each other in various parts of India and elsewhere under the signboard of high ideals. It is extremely crucial that such theories not enter the general line of a Party. They must be combatted all the time, because, taking into account the situation in the world as a whole, humanity is still submerged in the sea of small production under the aegis of the biggest monopolies and oligopolies. The modern working class is still a minority in the world as a whole. The labour aristocracy has a powerful impact, pushing the bourgeois spirit in the working class movement in the advanced capitalist countries.
The experience of socialist revolution and socialist construction and the conditions prevailing at this time require that all Marxist-Leninists pay first-rate attention to developing their theories out of their conditions with Marxism-Leninism as a guide. It is incumbent upon all revolutionary Marxist-Leninists to raise the prestige of communism in the eyes of the masses by working out the leading positions. Any deviation from this and sinking to personal attacks will only cause damage. There is a lure to prove someone wrong, but it is the lure of the bourgeoisie and world reaction, which has the strategic aim of destroying the movement.
The work of Mao Zedong as the architect of modern China will live as long as China exists. However, the PRC will not be able to construct socialism and carry out revolution so long as the Chinese communists do not develop theory consistent with their own conditions, under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism. Mao Zedong Thought is unsuitable for any conditions at this time, whether those of the PRC or anywhere else, as it obstructs communists from developing their own theory, from discovering the conclusions of Marxism-Leninism from their own conditions under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism. The world is on the threshold of great changes. All Marxist-Leninists must be prepared to lead the people to victory. The work to develop theory is crucial and a component part of this preparation.
(TML Daily, October 1, 1999)